Using the Lexical Approach for the Acquisition of ESP Vocabulary

Galina Kavaliauskienë and Violeta Janulevièienë
ukk [at] ltu.lt
Department of Foreign Languages
Lithuanian Law University, Ateities 20, Vilnius 2057, Lithuania

Introduction

No one argues that the scope of specialized vocabulary in teaching English for Specific Purposes (ESP) is a primary goal. Equally, there is a commonplace assumption that the more words a learner knows, the larger the learner's vocabulary knowledge is. However, there is another dimension to vocabulary knowledge that should be considered - namely, how far a learner knows the combinatory possibilities of a word. For any given word, a native speaker also knows a range of other words, which can occur or collate with it. This is an aspect of vocabulary knowledge that has until recently been largely ignored.

Quite recently computer analysis of the English language has revealed a widespread occurrence of lexical patterns in language use. Some researchers call them ‘lexical phrases' or ‘lexical items', others prefer the term ‘multi-word chunks' or just ‘chunks' of language. Whatever the term, they are an important feature both in language use and language acquisition and offer advantages for language teaching, particularly for teaching ESP.

Michael Lewis (1993) challenged the standard view of dividing language teaching into grammar and vocabulary by arguing that language consists of lexical items. He treats them as belonging to four major categories. A relatively small group of lexical items is the words and polywords. They have usually been considered as essential vocabulary for learners to memorise.

A second category is collocations. Collocation is understood as the way in which words typically occur with each other, i.e. combinations of words in natural speech with a certain frequency. Native speakers intuitively ‘know' which words frequently combine and which do not. To a native speaker, they just do not sound right. Knowing frequent collocations is essential for accurate, natural English.

There are specific types of collocations in ESP which cause students' errors due to a lack of translational equivalence between the first language (L1) and the second language (L2). Teachers must help the learner become familiar with ESP collocations, and such familiarity will develop best when the learner is consciously aware of this tendency of words to go together (Lewis, 1993).

In Lewis's approach, a third category is fixed expressions, and a fourth, semi-fixed expressions. Collocations and expressions are thought to be the most important types of lexical phrases. Native speakers retain many prefabricated lexical items in their memory. Language fluency and accuracy is achieved largely by retrieving and combining ready-made chunks of language. ‘The ability to chunk language successfully is central to understanding of how language works' (Lewis, 1997).

In recent years, there has been a worldwide increase in demand for ESP, which is essential for professional development. We are involved in teaching ESP at the Law University, Lithuania, constantly trying to enhance the efficiency of learning/teaching process. Lewis's ideas of teaching vocabulary in chunks appealed to us because of its efficacy and have been applied to teaching ESP skills.

Intake of Vocabulary Chunks in ESP

In ESP, students have to learn high-priority lexis, which needs to be selected and included into learning materials and class activities. Obviously, students do not need to distinguish which category lexical phrases belong to. What is important in order to ensure their effective learning is that students turn a high proportion of the input to which they are exposed into intake. The question which arises to every teacher is how to maximise the probability of learners turning input into intake. In that, we support Lewis's idea of making students aware of the existence of chunks. Most learners equate ‘vocabulary' with ‘words', and there is a tendency among learners to translate any professional text word-for-word, i.e. they usually try to simplify most lexical phrases to separate words. The role of teachers is to raise students' awareness of the existence of lexical items.

At the beginning of the ESP course, we spent some time on developing learners' strategies for dealing with unknown lexical items. The second step is to help them to identify lexical phrases -- whole expressions with high-priority ESP lexis. This stage is very important for developing the learner's ability to recognize chunks. We suggest using a more discovery-based methodology. We have encouraged students to analyse a number of authentic passages, each of which contained the target lexical item. From these, students are led to discover what different collocations exist for the item.

Here are some chunks that our students identified in an authentic passage on contract killing:

• was killed by assassins / was seriously wounded by ..., etc.
• died of wounds in hospital, in the car, etc.
• a heap of twisted metal
• is known as the richest man in ...
• to earn a good/bad, etc. reputation
• a contract killing
• claimed the lives of some politicians / pedestrians, etc.
• attracted the hostile attention
• the attackers had escaped before the police arrived
• a write-off car/vehicle
• a criminal was on the run
• a fugitive is at large
• to wreck a career, a life, a car, etc.
• was cornered by the armed police
• to hold a knife to one's chest, head, body, etc.
• a crime has been committed
• shot dead by a partner, a marksman, etc.
• get in touch with the police, relatives, authorities, etc.
• a security force
• to watch out for ...

It is unimportant if students do not know which category a lexical item belongs to. What they do need is to develop an ability to notice chunks of different kinds. So, one of the central activities in ESP teaching is to encourage students to identify language items in authentic materials. Another important point is that language units should be learned in context. Lexical items can be, in theory, learned de-contextualised, but it does not ensure mastery of the item. Contextualised learning is preferable, because learning vocabulary is not a simple memorisation of lexical phrases. They must be integrated into the learner's linguistic resources so that they are spontaneously available when needed. Vocabularyusage is not the same as its knowledge. And it is a teacher's job to activate these items in a classroom. This means that learners must process this newly acquired vocabulary. Therefore, a logical follow-up is a multi-step procedure: 1) checking comprehension of authentic passages; 2) providing more practice; 3) revision and 4) consolidation.

Our experience has proven that traditional ‘fill in the blanks' way is effective for checking comprehension as it encourages learners to consider the context of the sentence to work out a probable missing word. At the same time, students are being exposed to the typical linguistic environment for an item. They perceive other words that can co-occur with the target word and grammatical context in which the item can occur.

Oral practice for processing target vocabulary is advisable. Such activities as ‘students' projects' or designing tasks for other groups has proved beneficial.

Revision and consolidation are a required part of the process of vocabulary acquisition. The process of forgetting is very fast. According to research on memorising, a human being forgets 80 per cent of new information in 24 hours. It might sound exaggerated, but there is some truth in it, though these figures are different for different people. But the fact remains that the less a person is interested in something, the faster the process of forgetting is. Thus, revision and consolidation must take place after a lapse of time. A learner must use all available methods for developing all language skills, some of which are matching pairs, sorting exercises, pictorial schemata, problem solving tasks, values clarification, discussion, role-play, including oral presentations and writing summaries. Promoting autonomous learning, which is often called ‘learner independence', we advocate for learners' initiated activities, eg. learners acting as ‘teachers' in organising and checking class activities, learners creating their own materials like posters, flashcards, games or role-plays, learners giving a choice of activities for different pairs/groups, etc.

Recently, we applied the lexical approach for teaching reading comprehension and writing summaries. The difficulty that we faced comes from the students' limited general vocabulary. This fact was earlier reported by other ESP practitioners. The estimates (Coady, Huckin, 1997) show that a threshold of general reading comprehension requires 5000 lexical items which cover more than 90 per cent of any text. Consequently, in ESP language high-frequency lexical items should be taught first. They can be classified as a well known KEY WORDS technique because of their role in conveying a message. It is worth noting that the key-word method of teaching vocabulary has also been neglected recently in spite of its obvious advantages for understanding the gist. However, low-frequency lexical items cannot be ignored either, in order to avoid lack of comprehension.

There is another relevant and quite important point to teaching ESP through lexical items is the students' ability to find an equivalent in L1 to match a lexical phrase in L2. As all teachers of English probably realise proficiency in L2 implies the ability to be bilingual -- using appropriately and interchangeably L2 and L1. We dealt with this theme elsewhere (Janulevièienë, Kavaliauskienë, 2000).

Conclusion

ESP lexical phrases may be treated similarly as other chunks -- as ready-made, or prefabricated language units which, once they are learnt, are easily retrievable and accessible. Moreover, they are context-bound and occur quite frequently, which makes them highly memorable for learners. They are invaluable for developing students' competence in language, i.e. knowledge of language and ability to use it.

Learning ESP in multi-word chunks means a change for the better in the L2 vocabulary acquisition. It is not only desirable and beneficial, but also indispensable, because learners become involved in the process of becoming aware of and identifying lexical phrases, processing them orally or in writing, distinguishing between high-frequency and low-frequency lexical items.

References

1. Wilkins, D Linguistics in Language Teaching, 1972, OUP.
2. Lewis, M The Lexical Approach, 1993, LTP.
   http://www.ltpwebsite.com/lex-ap-review.htm
3. Lewis, M Implementing the Lexical Approach , 1997, LTP.
   http://www.ltpwebsite.com/implementing.htm
4. Coady, J and Huckin, T Second Language Vocabulary Acquisition, 1997, CUP.
5. Janulevièienë, V and Kavaliauskienë, G To Translate or Not To Translate in Teaching ESP? ‘Network', A Journal for English Language Teacher Education, vol. 3, number 3, Oct. 2000. Publisher OMNIBUS, Poland.

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English Loanwords in Japanese -- The Built-In Lexicon

Frank E. Daulton
daulton [at] elle.nicol.ac.jp
Niigata Women's College, (Niigata, Japan) A few years back, Simon-Maeda (1995) and Sheperd in (a title that says it all) "Loanwords -- A Pitfall for All Students" (1996) pointed out dangers of English loanwords in the Japanese language for Japanese learners of English. Simon-Maeda and Sheperd both warned that English loanwords pose a major problem for native Japanese speakers studying English.
My research, in "Japanese Loanword Cognates and the Acquisition of English Vocabulary" (Daulton, 1998), showed that English loanwords in Japanese greatly enhance the acquisition of the English basewords on which they originate. That is, native knowledge of Japanese gives learners a "built in lexicon" of many of the high-frequency words in English.
Anyone who has heard "Retsu ingurishu!" (Let's English) knows that loanwords are different from their baseword counterparts. The many transformations that English words undergo when adapted into Japanese include: rephonalization, shortening, speech part modification, and semantic modification. But leaving the detailed explanation of these changes to Sheperd and other scholars, I will show that despite these differences, loanwords are an asset to learners.
First I will review the research on the influence of Japanese loanwords on English vocabulary acquisition. Later my own classroom research data will confirm that the recall and recognition of lexical items with loanword cognates (i.e., basewords) is considerably better than for those without (i.e., non-basewords). Finally, an estimate of the number of loanwords that correspond to a corpus of 1,942 high-frequency English vocabulary items will open possibilities for new teaching approaches.

Japanese Loanword Influence on English Vocabulary Acquisition

Although even a TESOL specialist would be hard pressed to explain the precise mechanisms of language transfer, few would disagree that L2 vocabulary learning is influenced by L1 vocabulary. The essential question here is whether this influence is negative, as asserted by Simon-Maeda (1995) and Sheperd (1996), or positive.
Nation states that when an L2 word resembles a word in the learners' L1, that it will have a lighter "learning burden" (1990, p. 35). Likewise, the growing research that focuses specifically on the affect of L1 Japanese knowledge effecting L2 English vocabulary acquisition has shown a generally positive effect (Yoshida, 1978; Brown & Williams, 1985; Kimura, 1989; Daulton, 1998).

The Effect of Japanese Loanwords on a Child's ESL Vocabulary Acquisition

Yoshida found that English loanwords helped a Japanese-speaking child living in the United States, Mikihide, acquire the related English basewords quickly (1978, p. 100). Yoshida found that loanwords in Japanese helped Mikihide learn English words more quickly at his nursery school because of their similarity as cognates (p. 99). The cognates were particularly helpful in enlarging Mikihide's receptive vocabulary and for comprehending new English vocabulary items. Presented with 22 English basewords in a Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT), Mikihide comprehended 19 words such as table (teeburu) and orange (orenji).
Regrettably, in production of these basewords, Mikihide's pronunciation was not always recognized by English speakers (p. 100). For example, in Mikihide's interlanguage "table" was changed to English /teybl/ from the Japanese teeburu, but orange remained as orenji.

The Effect of Loanwords on College-Level ESL and EFL Vocabulary Acquisition

While Yoshida's study dealt with a young child in an ESL environment, Brown and Williams (1985), Kimura (1989), and Daulton (1998) studied various college-level, Japanese learners of English.
Brown and Williams found that EFL students, on hearing an English word, understand the word better if it is a loanword cognate (p. 144). Remarkably students did even better when not told that the correct responses would be basewords; students scored 5% better for basewords over non-basewords when not told and 3% better when told (p. 140). Brown and Williams state, "Students may do better when they make the English association on their own" (p. 141)
Kimura studied EFL and ESL groups. He found that both ESL and EFL groups had significantly better scores for English basewords than for non-basewords (p. 77). Both groups scored about 5% better for basewords over non-basewords, as in the study by Brown and Williams. Kimura states that because basewords are the most accessible, they can be an effective tool for learners to learn related vocabulary (p. 17).
Kimura further determined that English loanwords might even assist acquisition of the correct range of meanings of English words (p. 49).* Kimura proposed that loanword knowledge can encourage learners to add more meanings to the loanword meanings they already know, although they may lack confidence in using the loanword lexicon as a resource (1989, p. 80).
Using a blank-filling test that employed both recognition as well as recall skills, Daulton confirmed that students remembered basewords better than non-basewords (p. 19). Considering both the measures of remembering a word's pronunciation (i.e. correct but misspelled), "Type 1," and remembering the correct spelling of a word, "Type 2," the student's performance was better with basewords over non-basewords at every difficulty level. Below is a summary of the results (p. 21):

Subject of Comparison
Type 1 difference Type 2 difference
Junior High School 92% vs. 90% 2% 92% vs. 83% 10%** 
High School 59% vs. 14% 421% 44% vs. 10% 440% 
University 30% vs. 3% 1000% 26% vs. 2% 1300%

As can be seen, while the difference was relatively small for junior high school-level vocabulary, it was considerable when looking at the high school and university levels.
Given the superior performance and apparent learnability of basewords in this and other research, an astute teacher may wonder how many of the 2,000 high frequency words of English have conveniently made the voyage to the Japanese archipelago.

Loanword Cognates for High-Frequency English Words

Many English loanwords in Japanese came from high-frequency English basewords. Thus, given that Japanese loanword knowledge can be an effective tool for English learners, a powerful arsenal of loanword cognates to high-frequency English vocabulary is at hand (Daulton, pp. 21-22).
Nation states that with a vocabulary of just around 2,000, high-frequency headwords, a learner can read and understand about 87 percent of the words of any given text (1990, p. 14). (Remember that headwords like "absorb" are associated with a group of words like "absorption" and "absorbent.") Regarding high-frequency words, he writes, "Any time spent learning them will be well repaid because they cover a lot of text and will be met often" (p. 14). Among the high-frequency word lists available, Nation feels that West's General Service List (GSL) of English Words (West, 1953), which contains 1942 high frequency headwords, has yet to be replaced as the most useful collection of vocabulary .
Remarkably, it was found that 734 of the headword groups in the GSL correlated to at least one loanword, at a rate of 38% (Daulton, p.22).
Of course, as Simon-Maeda (1995) and Sheperd (1996) would point out, because of those transformations that basewords undergo (e.g., semantic modification, rephonalization, etc.), the level of resemblance of those high-frequency basewords to their loanwords cousins is questioned.
Nevertheless, Daulton found that radical semantic shifting is the exception and not the rule (1998, p. 22). For instance, 23 out of 24 of the "a" loanwords as listed in A Dictionary of Loanwords Usage (Motwani, 1991) matched to within the third listed, native meaning in the Random House Webster's Dictionary (Braham, 1996). Furthermore, as many as 18 of the 24 "a" loanwords had the same definition as the first listed in this English dictionary. This confirmed the research that claims that the primary meaning of a word is more transferable to another language (Kimura, 1989, p. 48).

Implications for Vocabulary Instruction in Japan

Kimura asserts that although none of the recent learning strategies for acquiring English vocabulary appear to speed acquisition significantly, the fact that English basewords that are similar to Japanese loanwords can be acquired more easily opens new possibilities for enhanced vocabulary acquisition (1989, p. 2). Nation concurs that, because of their light learning burden, basewords can be learned very quickly by especially beginners (1990, p. 40).
As 734 high-frequency English headword groups correlate to loanword cognates, the loanword lexicon can be tapped to allow learners to gain a large number of highly useful lexical items, particularly nouns, in a short period of time, saving harder ones for later (Daulton, p. 22).
For more advanced English learners, the same approach could be taken to tackle, for example, the additional 800 "university-level" high-frequency words described by Nation (1990, p. 24). ***
Students should be made aware of the loanword resource that they possess. That is, they should learn to have more confidence in their intuitions about new English vocabulary. Kimura proposes that the loanword lexicon may even be used to develop a native-like semantic intuition (1989, pp. 79, 89). To this end, Kimura advises that teachers and learners pay special attention to loanwords in formal instruction. Nation notes, "The more the teacher or the course designer draws attention to the similarities and patterns (between L1 and L2 vocabulary), the greater the opportunity for transfer" (1990, p. 49).
Brown and Williams warn, however, that while awareness of the loanword resource is helpful, explicitly associating particular English vocabulary to Japanese loanwords may diminish any potential benefits (1985, p. 133).
Therefore, at the junior high school level, for example , where curricula and vocabulary to be taught are predetermined and basewords and non-basewords appear together in texts, teachers can assume that basewords are understood and focus all their vocabulary instruction attention on non-basewords (Daulton, p. 22). The basewords, which are the most familiar English words (Kimura, 1989, p. 17), will provide contextual clues to the non-basewords that neighbour them.
Then the points at which loanwords and basewords differ significantly enough to cause confusion can become focal points for learning (Nation, 1990, p. 35).
In particular, the pronunciation differences between basewords and loanwords can be a stumbling bl ock. Yoshida warns that word stress is important if the learner is to be understood by native speakers (1978, p. 99). Thus pronunciation instruction should accompany vocabulary instruction (see Daulton, 1997.)
Best utilizing Japanese loanword cognates naturally requires some knowledge of Japanese. Thus researchers like Topping (1962) urge teachers to become familiar with loanwords in their students' native language (p. 287).

Notes

*This contradicts Lado's assertion that loanword knowledge limits the range of English meanings known to learners (1972, p. 285).
**When contrasting the performance of basewords and non-basewords, the low differences for junior high-level vocabulary of 2% and 10 % resemble the 5% and 3% found by Brown and Williams (1985, p. 140) and the 5% found by Kimura (1989, p. 47). This may be due the similarity of their test item selection at this level (Daulton, p. 21).
***Daulton (1998, p. 22) estimated that there should be valuable matches for about a quarter of the 800 university-level, high-frequency headword groups.

References

• Brown, J. B. & Williams, C. J. (1985). Gairaigo: a latent English vocabulary base? Tohoku Gakuin University Review: Essays and Studies in English Eibungaku, 76, 129-146. Sendai, Japan.
• Daulton, F. E. (1995). Gairaigo: Japan's adaptation of English. Journal of Nanzan Junior College, 23, 129-143. Nagoya, Japan.
• Daulton, F. E. (1997). katakana English and the teaching of pronunciation. Journal of Nanzan Junior College, 24, 43-54. Nagoya, Japan.
• Daulton, F. E. (1998) Loanword cognates and the acquisition of English vocabulary. The Language Teacher. The Japan Association for Language Teaching. January 1998, Volume 20, Number 1, p. 17.
• Braham C. G. (editor in chief) (1996). Random House Webster's Dictionary. New York: Ballantine Books.
• Kimura, M. (1989). The effect of 5 Japanese loanwords on the acquisition of the correct range of meanings of English words. Masters Thesis, Brigham Young University, Department of Linguistics.
• Lado, R. (1972). Patterns of difficulty. In K. Croft (Ed.) Readings on English as a Second Language (pp. 277-91). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Winthrop Publisher, Inc.
• Motwani, P. (1991). A Dictionary of Loanwords Usage. Tokyo: Maruzen Co., Ltd.
• Nation, I.S.P. (1990). Teaching and learning vocabulary. Boston: Heinle & Heinle Publishers.
• Sheperd, J. "Loanwords: A pitfall for all stud ents." The Internet TESL Journal. http://www.aitech.ac.jp/~iteslj/ (February 1996).
• Simon-Maeda, A. Language awareness: Use/misuse of loan-words in the English language in Japan. The Internet TESL Journal. http://www.aitech.ac.jp/~iteslj/ (December 1995).
• Topping, D. M. (1962). Loanblends, a tool for linguists. Language Learning, 12(4), 287.
• West, M. (1953). A General Service List of English Words. London: Longmans, Green and Co.
• Yoshida, M. (1978). The acquisition of English vocabulary by a Japanese-speaking child" in Second Language Acquisition, E. M. Hatch (ed.) (pp. 91-100). New York: Newbury House.
• Obunsha. (1995). Obunsha's Comprehensive English-Japanese Dictionary. Japan: Obunsha.

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One Benefit of Monolingual Dictionaries in the Writing Classroom

Randall Martin
editing [at] ms15.hinet.net

Introduction

I have worked at two different language schools in which the administrators had an unwritten policy of banning bilingual dictionaries from the classroom. The rationale seemed simple--such dictionaries only perpetuate learners' dependence on the native language (NL). Through experience, I came to agree with the policy and to believe that bilingual dictionaries are more of a hindrance-at least to intermediate or advanced students-than a help to second-language learners. After moving to Taiwan and learning that almost all English learners here use bilingual dictionaries, I needed proof that my notion was correct. Yet as I searched the literature, I found few studies to prove any advantage of using monolingual dictionaries, much less a justification for banning the bilingual dictionaries. The following study was conducted a few years ago originally as work for my master's degree in English. It points to at least one area in which monolingual dictionaries are more helpful than bilingual dictionaries as it is based on the hypothesis that training in the use of monolingual dictionaries will improve students' ability to write, specifically to create acceptable written English when dealing with transitive (T) and intransitive (I) verbs.

In order to test this hypothesis, twenty native Chinese speakers studying at the University of Central Oklahoma were separated into two groups of ten. Both groups were given a survey regarding their knowledge of and attitudes toward dictionaries. The members of the first group were then given a copy of Continental's Concise English-Chinese Dictionary (CCECD), seventh edition, one of the most popular Chinese bilingual dictionaries in book form. The second group received a copy of Longman's Dictionary of Contemporary English (LDCE), third edition. Both groups were presented a brief lesson on T and I verbs in which they were also taught how their respective dictionaries recorded entries regarding transitivity and intransitivity. After the ten-minute lesson, each subject was given the same list of ten verbs, some T and some I, with which they were asked to write ten original sentences within twenty minutes. They were encouraged to consider the examples and grammatical patterns within their assigned dictionaries, and they were asked to put a check mark beside the sentences for which they had consulted a dictionary. Following this exercise, they were asked whether they thought their assigned dictionaries had been helpful to them.

The completed sentences were marked according to one criterion only-how the verbs were used. These verbs were either marked as correct, incorrect, or avoided. Correct meant that they met the broadly accepted codified prescriptive grammar rules of American and British English. Incorrect meant that the verb use and complementation failed to meet this standard. Finally, avoided meant that the subject had either not written anything or had simply copied the example from the dictionary.

The First Survey

The results of the first questionnaire were clear: the participants seldom used monolingual dictionaries as a reference when writing in English. Eighty-five percent said they seldom or never used one. Eighty percent also said that they did not own an English-English dictionary. As to why they did not use monolingual dictionaries, two said they did not know how; four said the definitions were too difficult; eight said that the dictionaries took too much time to use while the remaining six said that the definitions were both too difficult and too time-consuming. One-third of the participants claimed that they had not realized that some monolingual dictionaries were written to help L2 learners, and only fifteen percent had received any training in the use of such dictionaries.

On the other hand, as could be expected, all participants owned a bilingual dictionary, and all of them used one to some extent when writing in English. Fifty-four percent often consulted bilingual dictionaries while the remaining forty-six percent rarely or occasionally used them. Eighty-five percent said they used a bilingual dictionary more than a monolingual dictionary.

The Writing Exercise

The subjects were asked to write original sentences using the following ten verbs: "date, mention, reach, look forward to, afford, complain, argue, declare, pontificate, and veer." It was assumed that the verbs "veer and pontificate" would be unfamiliar to most of the participants, therefore making it more likely for the subjects to consult their dictionaries. Table 1 lists the scores (correct, incorrect, avoided) related to the number of times participants used the bilingual CCECD. Table 2 lists the corresponding information for the participants who used the monolingual LCDE.

Table 1. Number of times the translating dictionary was consulted and results of those times (Group 1).

Verbs	Times consulted	Times correct	Times incorrect	Times avoided
1. date	4	1	3
2. mention	0
3. reach	0
4. look forward to	0
5. afford	2	2
6. complain	0
7. argue	0
8. declare	3		3
9. pontificate	10	1	9
10.veer	10	1	8	1
Totals	29	5	23	1

From Tables 1 and 2 it is clear that the group using the monolingual dictionary (group two) performed considerably better than group one which used the bilingual CCECD. It is especially interesting to note that group two did better despite the fact that its median TOEFL score (496) was notably lower than average of group one (517).

Table 2. Number of times the monolingual dictionary was consulted and results of those times (Group 2).

Verbs	Times consulted	Times correct	Times incorrect	Times avoided
1. date	3		3
2. mention	0
3. reach	0
4. look forward to	1			1
5. afford	2			2
6. complain	1	1
7. argue	1	1
8. declare	7	4	2	1
9. pontificate	10	3	3	4
10.veer	10	3	4	3
Totals	35	12	12	11

Of the total number of times group one consulted the dictionary, only seventeen percent of those times were marked as correct while seventy-nine percent were incorrect and three percent were avoided. Of the total number of times group two consulted the dictionary, thirty-four percent of those times were marked as correct while thirty-nine percent were incorrect. Most of the remaining thirty-one percent were classified as avoided since the majority were merely copied from the examples in the dictionary.

The improved performance of group two can perhaps be attributed to the monolingual dictionary which offers simplified definitions and clear examples for most of its entries. The CCECD provides fairly reliable examples as well. However, the definitions are naturally in Chinese making it quite possible that when students consult these dictionaries, their native language interferes creating what Tarone, Cohen, and Dumas (1983) call "the type of negative transfer from the NL...resulting in utterances that are not just inappropriate but actually incorrect by native standards" (p.5). The improved performance of group two lends cogency to the practice of encouraging students to use monolingual dictionaries specifically when having trouble with T and I verbs.

The Second Survey

After finishing the writing exercise, participants were asked, "Do you think that learning more about your assigned dictionary could help you to write in English?" All ten participants who used the monolingual dictionary believed that the dictionary would be helpful. Of the ten participants who used the CCECD, two did not believe that dictionary would be helpful.

Conclusion

McCarthy (1990) suggests that bilingual dictionaries are important, but they are also limited tools. Given the fact that a group of learners with a lower average TOEFL score used verbs correctly a higher percentage of the time when using a monolingual dictionary than those who used a bilingual dictionary, it would appear that monolingual dictionaries deserve a place in the ESL/EFL curriculum. Teachers should be encouraged to conduct similar experiments to find ways in which monolingual dictionaries can lessen the dependence many students have on bilingual dictionaries.

References

Continental's Concise English-Chinese Dictionary. (7^th edition). (1994)

Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (3^rd edition). (1995). Harlow, Essex: Longman Group, Ltd.

Hunt, A. (1997). Evaluating Bilingual and Monolingual Dictionaries for L2 Learner Kansai Gadai University Journal of Inquiry and Research. No. 65 pp. 15-27

McCarthy, M. (1990). Vocabulary. Oxford University Press.

Tarone, E., Cohen, A., & Dumas, G. (1983). A closer look at some interlanguage terminology: A framework for communication strategies. In C. Faerch and G. Kasper (Eds.), Strategies in Interlanguage Communication (pp. 4-14). London: Longman.

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"Chicken Meets on Rise": Meaning in Decline Lexical Havoc in L2

Yvonne Stapp
stapp [at] sakura.cc.tsukuba.ac.jp
Gai Kukogu Center, University of Tsukuba (Tsukuba, Japan)

The L2 learner is often sabotaged by his/her lexical and phonological limitations in the target language, and most people attempting to express themselves in a foreign language have experienced a semantic disaster at some point. Former US president Jimmy Carter, for instance, in a speech to the Polish people attempted to express himself in that language by proclaiming that he "loved" the Poles. Due to an unfortunate choice of words, he announced instead that he "lusted after" them. The good-natured Poles applauded him anyway, and to this day the two nations are remain on speaking terms.

Such errors are often amusing --at least to native speakers. The rendition of "chicken meat on rice" in the title of this article is an example of our struggles to communicate in foreign languages. In this case, Japanese students taking a university entrance examination were required to translate, as part of the English test, the word "oyakadon," the term for a Japanese dish consisting of both the meat and eggs of an animal (oyak = parent and child); the combination, such as chicken and eggs, is served on rice. Although the translation task seems fairly straightforward to a native speaker, it is in fact quite a challenge for non-native speakers, and the mysteries of the English lexicon led students to improvise, as in the title and the following samples:

• pieces of meet and egges, which are confused and cooked on rice
• eggs and chickens are shuffled and be boiled
• parents and eggs on rice
• eggs are flown on rises and chicken soak eggs

Of course, even when students had the right words in mind, they could still be undermined by their phonological problems in English, as in this example:

• it is lice with egg and meat of bard

In the course of gathering data for a study on lexical processing in L2, I posted a request on the NETEACH-L list, and received many interesting L2 malapropisms representing a diverse group of language learners. Some of the responses to the posting are shared below (the contributor of each example is acknowledged in parentheses). Lexical processing errors in L2 fall into three broad categories --lexical, morphological, and phonological_ and there are subdivisions within each of these groups. Since the objective here is more directed at enjoyment than edification, the samples are limited to a few lexical and phonological categories and analysis is minimal.

1. Lexical Confusions

A common problem faced by the L2 learner is simply finding the correct approximation of the intended expression. Words that have very distinct meanings to the native speaker may be treated by the L2 student as synonyms. For instance, in the Japanese-to-English examples above, students could not yet differentiate between the culinary terms "mix" or "combine" (the chicken and eggs) and their own perceived lexical choices: "confuse," "throw," and "shuffle." It doesn't require much effort to understand how such mistakes might occur. With instruction and experience, a language learner develops the lexical knowledge that will promote better communication in the target language. In the process, however, the unfortunate learner has to muddle through, as in these examples contributed in response to the Neteach posting:

• I was working with a young man from Uganda who had written an anthropology paper on marriage rituals in his country. The information in his paper was good. There were some things which he found difficult to express in English. However, try as I might, I could not hold back my laughter when I read the last line of his paper: "Spontaneous cows are the main source of marriage in the Lwo province." In context and translated, he meant: "In the Lwo provinces (of northern Uganda), a man who shows up at another man's home with two cows shows interest in the man's daughter." (From David Beach)
• In the largest bookstore in Nagoya, Japan, one can see the following sign: No Fires Allowed! (Alan Mackinzie)

2. Direct Translations

Frequently, lexical errors are the result of literal translation from the first language lexicon, as in these anecdotes:

• I have a student from Germany, whose English is quite good, though he tends sometimes to translate a bit literally. He just turned in a paper yesterday on Tristan und Isolde, and on the first page, referred to the "overture" (vorspiel in German) as the "forplay.") (From Clay Bond)
• Sign in a candy-store in the center of Salzburg: We send Mozart's balls to America. This is a Salzburg candy specialty by the German name of Mozartkugeln, which doesn't mean anything dangerous at all. (From Reinhard Auer)
• When I was teaching English in Germany, I had occasion to consult a doctor. He took this opportunity to practice his English on me, and referred to my body throughout the entire consultation as a "corpse." (German Korper-English corpse-an understandable error.) I didn't have the heart to point out the mistake, but I did have trouble keeping a straight face. (From Gillian Hanney)
• One of our students wrote a composition about "the pickled surfaces" when he wanted to write about "the occupied territories" (a direct translation from Hebrew where these words serve both meanings). (From Gitit Seri via Lily Vered)

3. Similar-sounding Words

Another common type of lexical mismatch is the result of similar-sounding words in the L1 and L2 which either require distinct formulas depending on meaning, or may or not actually have the same meaning in L1 and L2, such as in these examples:

• The worst mistake I made in German was the day I came home in August in sweltering heat and my neighbor asked politely how I was. I replied, "Ich bin heiss." (I am hot.) In German this is used only for the *hot* as a sexual connotation. The phrase I should have used translates as "It is warm to me." This elicits hoots and howls in my classes when I tell them, but also helps them to relax and take their mistakes with a grain of humor. (From Margaret Ann Doty)
• So after [the student] was told what he said, he exclaimed: "Estoy embarazada" ("I'm pregnant"). We had several good laughs that day. (From David Beach: see the rest of anecdote below in "phonological errors")

4. Phonological Problems

An incomplete grasp of the target phonological system can lead to a range of interesting errors, some of which are represented in these examples:

• In Yemen, I was always just a little worried when passing a small office which proclaimed that the occupier [a physiotherapist] was: PHYSIO THE RAPIST All body problems fixed (From Douglas Craig)
• A student wrote in her essay on marriage about one's "inmate." She meant husband. In Japanese 'shujin' means husband, 'shuujin' means inmate. (From Laura Kimoto)
• In a Spanish class, we were discussing what we liked to eat. One young man wanted to say that he liked shellfish such as clams, mussels, and oysters. So he said: "quiero los maricones pequenos" which elicited raucous laughter from the native Spanish speakers and L2ers who knew what he said. Instead of "mariscos," the word for shellfish, he had used the word for homosexuals --"I want little homosexuals." So after he was told what he said, he exclaimed: "Estoy embarazada" ("I'm pregnant"). We had s everal good laughs that day. (From David Beach)
• A friend (Japanese as L2) was in a bank, he was in a hurry, he had just started learning Japanese and started shouting at the bank teller, "Usagi, usagi!" which means "Rabbit, rabbit!" He meant, "osoi" = I'm late. (From Alan Mackenzie)
• In a letter describing places he would want to show a foreigner visiting his country, one Palestinian student expressed the desire to show his visitor "the Doom of the Rock and other holly places" (in Jerusalem, of course--the Dome of the Rock being the most famous mosque there (From Miriam Seaver)
• Vietnamese student's reply to a question about his favorite foods: "chicken, shrimp, and crap" . What class did you take last semester? "Keyboring" (From Tomi Cummingham)
• I had an (Arab) male student, who furtively came to me after a class asking me where he could find "naughty books." An embarrassed few minutes followed, where I tried to find out exactly what he meant. Nothing was clear and his explanations were confusing. Eventually I mentioned a few specific titles, like "Playboy." Now it was his turn to be embarrassed: he actually wanted a "note book," but there was a considerable pronunciation error in his spoken output (Peter Neville)

A lengthy list of translation "howlers" was sent by David Van Hammen. He was not sure of the source, but I believe many of these may be found in a little book called "Anguished English" (whose author I cannot recall), and possibly elsewhere. A brief selection from David's list follows; all of the amusing language errors here are lexical:

• In a Bucharest hotel lobby: The lift is being fixed for the next day. During that time we regret that you will be unbearable.
• In a hotel in Athens: Visitors are expected to complain at the office between the hours of 9 and 11 A.M. daily.
• In a Yugoslavian hotel: The flattening of underwear with pleasure is the job of the chambermaid.
• In an Austrian hotel catering to skiers: Not to perambulate the corridors in the hours of repose in the boots of ascension.
• In an East African newspaper: A new swimming pool is rapidly taking shape since the contractors have thrown in the bulk of their workers.
• On the faucet in a Finnish washroom: To stop the drip, turn cock to right.
• In a Copenhagen airline ticket office: We take your bags and send them in all directions.

In Spite of Ourselves

Whatever the source error in foreign language expressions, there are two "universal" features about them that are worth remembering. First, everyone makes these mistakes; they are a natural, healthy part of learning. Second, in spite of such errors cross-cultural communication does happen. Paradoxically, saying the wrong thing -but giving the audience a good laugh-- may do more for international understanding than clear speech.

Acknowledgments

Many thanks to the people who generously responded to my posted request for L2 boo-boos on the Neteach-list, a great source, by the way, for a lot of language information (neteach-l@thecity.sfsu.edu). Although I could not use in this brief article all the examples I received, all examples that do not appear here are included in more serious L2 lexical analysis currently in progress, and all contributions will be acknowledged. I am still collecting, and anyone interested in contributioning examples of L2 malapropisms for that study can send examples to me at the snail-mail address or email address listed above (please list source if samples are from published accounts). First language developmental errors are also welcome, since the study includes a comparison.

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The Internet TESL Journal, Vol. IV, No. 4, April 1997
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Loanwords: A Pitfall for All Students

Joseph W. Sheperd
Aichi Gakuin Junior College (Nagoya, Japan)

Originally published in
The Faculty Journal of Aichi Gakuin Junior College
No. 3, March, 1995

Few government decrees in recent years have been more controversial and even mirth-provoking than the decision of the French Culture Minister to ban the use of "borrowed foreign words" in the French language. Anglicized and other words of foreign origin will have to be replaced by French newspapers, broad-casting, advertising, video games, commercial ventures and public notices. French will be the main language in any international conferences held in France.(1)

To enforce the ban, government-appointed language observers will be empowered to take steps to correct what they consider to be violations of the law, and yet-to-be-announced penalties will be posed. It remains to be seen what effects the campaign will have in France, but there is no doubt that "loanwords" have become an integral part of almost every language and they have contributed greatly to the clarification and richness of native languages. But it can also be said that overemphasis on and improper use of foreign words can lead to misunderstanding and confusion, particularly for non-native speakers trying to learn a language.(2)

The purpose of this paper will be to outline briefly the history and development of "loanwords" in Japanese, and then discuss how these words can be of trouble for foreigners studying Japanese, and for Japanese studying English or other foreign languages. Finally, I would like to attempt to assess the cultural impact.

Origins of Loanwords

It would be next to impossible to calculate the number and catalog the origin of all loanwords used in Japan. Some words have been part of the Japanese vocabulary for so long that they are now considered as Japanese words. Others, which may be in vogue now, will soon disappear and be replaced by still other short-lived expressions. At any rate, a decade or so ago, researchers decided that more than ten-percent of currently popular Japanese vocabulary consisted of loanwords. And the percentage is still growing.(3) No one would dare to predict what colloquial Japanese will sound like in ten or twenty years.

In tracing the origins of loanwords, it can be said with certainty that English is the primary source today. But that was not always the case. In addition to words taken from Chinese, Korean, Ainu and Sanskrit, Portuguese, Spanish and Dutch were the earliest words adopted by the Japanese.

Interestingly enough, many of the loanwords were related to particular characteristics or qualities of the country from which they were taken. Thus, from Italian came words linked to music and food. French words reflected art and fashion; German contributed expressions associated with science, medicine and mountain sports. Words from English cover the whole spectrum of language.(4) Originally, most of these words conveyed ideas which could not be, or were not, expressed clearly by Kanji. But as the Japanese language developed, many loanwords were adopted for the sake of convenience or style.

Recent Sources of Loanwords

It is beyond dispute that the mass media is the leading source of new loanwords. News programs, documentaries, game and quiz shows, sports, even dramas add more and more foreign words and phrases to the Japanese language. But their contributions pale beside the additions stemming from the eye-catching slogans in advertising and TV commercials.

For some reason, copywriters believe that foreign words add class or mystique to their copy. It makes no difference that the average reader doesn't understand the message. They aren't supposed to. What does matter is that the text "evokes an image and attaches prestige value to the products being advertised."(5) Unfortunately, some of these strange usages make their way into dictionaries, and then students of both English and Japanese are confronted with ideas that can neither be understood nor translated.

Names or titles, too, reflect an unwarranted admiration for non-Japanese words. A quick scan of popular brand names, or titles of magazines and other publications, can mystify all readers, no matter what their linguistic background might be. And too often, the choice of titles is a source of merriment for those who understand the real meaning of the words. To confirm the above statement, readers might want to consult a recent paperback, Japanese Jive, by Caroline McKeldin.(6) The sub-title, "Wacky and Wonderful Products from Japan," says it all.

At any rate, even though the loanwords are spreading at an unprecedented rate. The problems for students are spreading with them.

Pronunciation of Loanwords

Although the pronunciation of loanwords usually resembles the pronunciation of the word in the original language, adjustments have to be made to conform to the Japanese phonetic system.(7) And when these words are written in Katakana, even the most skillful non-native speakers of Japanese are often hard-pressed to come up with the original spelling of the word.

Adding to the confusion, quite frequently loanwords are abbreviated or combined with Japanese words or other loanwords. They have no resemblance to the original source. One distinguished scholar has said that for foreign students, the study of loanwords is much more difficult than the study of Kanji or Japanese words in Hiragana.(8)

Finally, the rules of grammar of the original words are often disregarded when the words are used in Japanese. Prepositions become nouns, nouns become verbs, and conjunctions and suffixes just disappear. All in all, for the foreign student, confusion abounds. In the next few pages, I hope to point out some of the most obvious problems in the use of loanwords and try to find some ways to clear up at least a little of the confusion. At the same time, I would like to show that the misunderstanding of the proper use of Katakana English can cause no end of trouble for Japanese students struggling to master English.

Seven of the Most Difficult Challenges

Although a brief summary of special problems with loanwords has been given above, in this section, I will try to give a more detailed explanation. I am especially indebted to Professor Prem Motowani for the outline of this section.(9)

1. The vast majority of loanwords have been taken from English. However, in the Katakana words have only one meaning or usage. For example, 'akusesari' accessory - refers only to artificial or costume jewelry. Hats, ties, scarves or other such objects which are included in the English of the word have other terms in Japanese.

2. The "Japanization" of English words has in shortening, limiting, combining and extending English words to the extent that they are incomprehensible to native speakers. It would take a special imagination to link 'mai-kon' with the English micro-computer. 'Ame-futo' is a long way from American Football.

3. In many cases, loanwords are only used in combinations. Ice in English refers to a frozen substance. But in Japanese it is restricted to terms such as ice cream, iced tea, ice hockey and Ice box. 'On-za-rokku' fills in for Scotch on ice.

4. Distinguishing between loanwords used only colloquially and those used in written Japanese also demand study. 'Baransu' in one sense is used in written language, but in another it is colloquial.

5. Most loanwords are nouns in their original language. But in Japan they are often used as verbs by adding a Japanese verb ending or verb. Others merely add 'suru' to make a verb. 'Dabingu suru' for "dubbing" or "to dub" comes to mind.

6. Loanwords are frequently blended with Kanji or other loan-words to make a new word. "Denwa fakkusu" is a fax machine; "doa-tsu-doa" means from one place to another.

7. Finally, many former brand names now have taken on a general meaning. "Bando-eido" for Band-Aid, refers to a bandage or the verb to bandage. These specialized words require a knowledge of the original name in order to mean anything in Japanese. Certainly, many other categories could be added to this outline of special challenges. But I think we have enough now to realize that loanwords themselves call for extensive study on the part of any serious student of Japanese. A list of some of the more fashionable loanwords has been included at the end of this paper.

Some Possible Solution

As mentioned several times, loanwords defy logical explanations, and, therefore, there is no really logical way to study them. In preparing this paper, I spoke to several teachers of Japanese as a foreign language. They all stressed one point. Loanwords must be considered as Japanese words and studied in the same way. Their original meanings must not affect their or pronunciation in Japanese.

Secondly, and this sounds like I am avoiding the challenge, non-native speakers of Japanese should try not to use loanwords any more than is necessary. Even when clearly written in Katakana, they often don't sound right when used or read by non-Japanese. Foreign speakers tend to lean toward the original pronunciation and interpretation.

Next, students should not hesitate to ask what the loanword means, if the context of the sentence doesn't seem to make sense . In ordinary Japanese, the Kanji often clarifies the meaning. But Katakana offers no such assistance. Students can easily confuse the other speaker if they misinterpret or misuse words taken from other languages. And occasionally, the mistake might sound like an insult.

Finally, students should not rely too much on the interpretation of loanwords as given in standard dictionaries, Too often, editors seem to have relied on the assistance of native English speakers when defining loanwords. The idea, of course, is praiseworthy, but as I said earlier, loanwords must be considered as Japanese words. It takes a specialist to understand the basic meaning and nuances. I strongly recommend the use of dictionaries focusing on loanword usage. A few of the recognized works will be listed at the end of the paper.

Challenges for Students of English

Though the thrust of this paper has been toward helping students of Japanese understand loanwords, a few thoughts about the dangers loanwords present to students of English should also be given some consideration. It has been my experience that Katakana English is, without a doubt, one of the main sources of English pronunciation problems. Stressing every syllable and adding a vowel at the end of the word, English students often sound as if they are reading Katakana placed alongside of the words. It has often been pointed out that what students consider to be good English often is a confusing and meaningless Japanese-English or "Japlish." Add to that a wrong interpretation of the original loanword, and you can readily see why an interesting conversation a comedy of errors.

There is no simple solution for this problem. But for starters, Katakana should never be used as a guide for pronunciation in English textbooks. With so many useful tapes, videos and pronunciation manuals available, it is foolish for students to rely on Katakana as a sort of crutch.

Repeating the admonition given above to students for students of English, too, loanwords as used in Japan must be thought of as Japanese words - not as English, French, German or anything else. English students must learn the words in their own context, not as adaptations from the Japanese usage.

Particular attention must be given to grammar. Just because articles, prepositions, conjunctions and other such parts of speech are not needed in Japanese, it does not mean that English students can disregard them when using the loanwords in their original language.

Now, putting aside the problems of the correct usage of words, let's take a look at the influence of such words on the Japanese language itself.

Cultural Implications and Possible Effects on Japanese

Recently, The Japan Times had an interesting kind of hybrid dialect combining English and Spanish that is fast becoming a fad among the Spanish-speaking residents of parts of the United States. Sometimes called Spanglish - sometimes called Tejano - sometimes called Tex-Mex, it mixes the languages in ways that seem to make communication easier and faster.(10) Japan, too, is developing its own hybrid language. Popularly known as "Japlish" or "Janglish," it frequently makes no sense in either Japanese or English. Peter Milward in his Evening News gives what he calls a charming example of Janglish. "'To English or not to English?' It is so quaint ... and so ridiculous. . ..(and) it is so wrong."(11)

Throughout his article, Professor Milward points out that the misuse of English, and by extension, loanwords, not only abuses the foreign language, but serves to "impoverish the Japanese language" as well.(12)

Several other language scholars have bemoaned the fact that Japanese speakers are too willing to accept loanwords, and are too careless in attempting to give them a Japanese meaning in an artificial context. In some ways it might be said that the prevailing mood in Japan today is to take the "easy" way. If a simple loan-word does the job as well as well as a more complicated Japanese meaning, younger speakers and the media usually prefer to use the loanword. That is not always bad, but it does not bode well for the future. Ordinary Japanese may lose their appreciation of the beauty and richness of their own language.

When Kenzaburo Oe was chosen as the recipient of the Nobel Prize in Literature, the award stirred a spirited debate about the intellectual level of reading and literature in Japan. A New York Times article quoted in the Asahi Evening News said that Mr. Oe was greeted with what amounted to a scolding for pushing people to think too much.(13)

Japan is a success story in many fields, but what of its intellectual life? Professor Donald Keene, a renowned Japanese literary expert, is quoted as saying, "... Authors today are writing for the passing tastes of a young audience. University students were the real market for serious books, but they don't read them anymore. It's a very depressing period."(14)

Of course, loanwords themselves cannot be blamed for this crease of intellectual interest. It may well be that the roles reversed. That is, a decrease of interest in literature and language in general has brought about the proliferation of "easier-to-use" words. But to my way of thinking, the overuse of loanwords has played a significant role in the weakening of the Japanese language.

Conclusion

It may seem that the scope of this article has gone beyond its original intent. But a summary of its main points may show that it may be necessary for writers and media personnel to take a second look at the overuse and abuse of GAIRAIGO.

1. The current emphasis on loanwords may be out of control. Often, the usage is meaningless, even foolish. Frequently, older, well-educated readers can't understand what the words mean.

2. Loanwords pose serious problems for foreign students of Japanese and for Japanese students attempting to learn other languages.

3. The over reliance on loanwords may tend to weaken and cheapen the Japanese language. And it may lead to a kind of intellectual and cultural malaise.

I don't pretend to have any solutions to this complicated dilemma. Properly used, loanwords add richness and flavor to a language; overly and mistakenly used, they sow the seeds of confusion and possibly contempt. Although the French would like to purge all foreign words from the French vocabulary, I certainly don't propose any such radical and even impossible solution in Japanese. But I would like to see loanwords used to convey the meaning as given in the original language - not some exotic and incomprehensible meaning as dreamt up by the mass media.

Note l. A list of some examples of LINGUA NIHONGO. Taken from "Time Out Sunday," The Japan Times, 6 Nov. 1994.

References

1. Harris, Paul. "English Rules the World." The Japan Sept. l994

2. Japan Encyclopedia, S. V. "Loanwords."

3. Ibid.

4. Kamiya, Taeko. Tuttle New Dictionary of Loanwords, Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo, Japan : Charles E. Tuttle Publishing Co, 1994. p. vii.

5. Blair, R. Jeffrey, "Ware Ware Japanese-Stepping Out Linguistically." Unpublished Material, University of Hawali.

6. McKeldin, Caroline. Japanese Jive, New York : Tengu Books, 1993

7. Kamiya, Loanwords, p. xv.

8. Motwani, Prem, A Dictionary of Loanwords Usage - KATAKANA ENGLISH, Tokyo : Maruzen Co., Ltd., 1991. p. vii.

9. Ibid.

10. Lemieux, Josh, "Tejano crosses English-Spanish border," The Japan Times, 6 Nov. 1994

11. Milward, Peter, "To English or not to English," Asahi Evening News, 8 Nov. 1994

12. Ibid.

l3. Sterngold, James, "Japan Asks Why Prophet Bothers," The New York Times Weekly Review, 11 Nov. 1994

l4. Ibid.

Additional Reference Works and Dictionaries

1. Masden and Miura, Jama at naru Katakana Eigo, Tokyo: Yohan Shuppan, 199O

2. Potter, Simeon, Our Language, Revised Edition, Baltimore : Penguin Books, Inc. , 1966 3. Seidensticker and Matsumoto, Modern Colloquialisms, Japanese-English, Tokyo : Asahi Press, 1977

4, Webb, J., A Guide to Modern Japanese Loanwords, Tokyo: The Japan Times Ltd., 1990

A Few Examples of Japanese Loanwords in Use Today

LINGUA NIHONGO

The Japanese language has never the same since arrival of Admiral Perry's Black Ships. What was once a trickle is now an annual flood of new words - some last, many don't. They say the language people speak best reflects the way they live. If so, here's a tiny sliver of Japan today.

Make it snappy

bairin (gyaru) : billingual girl (usually terento)
hansuto : hunger strike
roricon : Lolita complex
tereka : telephone card
sekuhara : sexual harassment
yan egu : young executive

Meido in Japan

aidoru : teen idol
Konpanion : female guide for espos
tarento : TV personality/celebrity
orendi dorama : trendy drama

Parlez-vous Nihongo ?

Charumera : flute of roving noodle vendor (Portuguese)
enerugisshu : energetic (German)
hisuteri : hysteria (German)
randoseru : school satchel (Dutch)
Zubon : trousers (French)

Mix 'n' match

aruchu : alcohol
chudoku (addict)
asashan : asa (morning) shampoo
itameshi : Italian meshi
(food Kawajan : Kawa (leather) jacket
ronge : long ke (hair) (men only)

Purei boru!

gattsu po'zu : guts pose (fist triumphantly raised above head)
g6ru in : goal in (used also when the race is won)
no tatehi : no touch (ace serve in tennis ; also, off-limits topic)
sutandopure' : (grand) stand play

Well, kind of ...

gadoman : security guard
hurusu meta : health meter
pepa tesuto : written test
sukinshippu : physical contact
rippu (kurimu) : chap stick

Huh?

don mai : don't mind (don't worry)
uetto : wet, sentimental (as opposed to dorai/dry)
panchi : punch perm (afro perm)

Here today, gone tomorrow

derukaji : model casual (fashion of supermodels)
sukebo : skateboard
yanmama : yankee mama (ex-delinquent woman, with kids)
wanren : "one-length" hairstyle

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The Internet TESL Journal, Vol. II, No. 2, February 1996
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